Once again the timing could not be any more appropriate. The entire world is captivated by the sensational US presidential elections and the devastating effects of the financial crisis are being felt from North America to East Asia and every region in between. Meanwhile, a regional conflict is brewing in Central Africa with the intensifying fighting between the military troops of Rwanda and the Democratic Republic of Congo (DRC). The international community is once again distracted, passive, committed elsewhere or simply unwilling to take concrete actions.
In the process, innocent human lives are being affected at a disturbing rate – lives that increasingly seem to be taken for granted as constant media reports of war, AIDS, famine and sufferings in Africa have become all too familiar thus desensitizing viewers. According to official reports, the death toll amounts to 5.4 million people throughout the eastern region of DRC since 1998. “Never again, never again” was the rhetoric of the international community after the human tragedy in Rwanda yet nothing has changed except that today the same evils have resurged a few miles west in neighboring DRC.
Let us rewind to 1998. In the days following the bombings of US embassies in Nairobi and Dar es Salaam, the first full-fledged regional war in Africa broke out in Eastern Congo – better known as the Second Congo War – involving 6 different nations (Uganda, Angola, Zimbabwe…just to name a few) with their troops fighting on Congolese soil. No one saw that one coming except the fighting factions. More recently, in December 2004, it was also during US elections fever that rebel general Laurent Nkunda broke away from the DRC army to form his National Congress for the Defense of the People (CNDP) and take over Bukavu, the capital of the eastern province of South Kivu. Today, just days before America goes to the polls, it is the same rebel general Nkunda – the self-proclaimed protector of Tutsis in DRC – who is closing in on the strategic town of Goma, the capital of North Kivu. A Tutsi of Congolese citizenship himself, Nkunda is receiving assistance of some sort from Kigali. Every time, the eyes of the world are focused on another major event.
Some may ask why Africa always waits for the international community – namely the West – to come to its rescue. Firstly, nations on the continent lack the resources and military might to secure their borders and defend themselves without support of some kind from their former colonial leaders. Secondly, it is not in the interest of Western nations for Africa to be on par with them in terms of military technology or to, at least, train and develop more autonomous forces. Thirdly, nations such as the United States, Great Britain, France and Belgium (only within the context of its colonial experience in Rwanda and DRC) are the most powerful in the world in terms of decision-making and renowned for spreading the gospel of democracy, peace and freedom to all corners of the planet. Three of the aforementioned nations are permanent members of the UN Security Council, the victors of World War II who have the crucial veto power. That should say it all. It is only fair for the West to come fix the problems in the region because, most of the time, they are the ones instigating them behind closed doors in the most sophisticated, untraceable methods that would cause accusations such as mine to be dismissed as groundless in the eyes of many. At any rate, these nations have the power and authority to intervene efficiently in the current crisis. They should play their role as leaders of the free world and execute their mission as eagerly as they did recently in Kosovo and in Georgia. Okay, okay, I am not naïve: I am well acquainted with the concept of national interest.
Not to say that African regimes are not to blame for all their troubles because, in fact, they are equally responsible for the torments they endure. DRC, being a prime example, has squandered many critical opportunities to unify the vast nation and draft sound policies that would yield long term dividends during those few periods when the country enjoyed relative calm and stability. The short-sightedness and get-rich-quick scheme of successive administrations have spoiled the future of the country in more ways than one. Nevertheless, under such conditions, it is an insurmountable task to prevent foreign meddling and influence on home affairs when corruption is rampant, national institutions are weak and members of the State are divided along ethnic lines. Basically, there are more than enough actors in this conflict to share the blame, both in Central Africa and in Western capitals.
Thursday, October 30, 2008
Thursday, October 23, 2008
Economic Boom, At What Cost
Part 1 of 3 in a series of reports on the politics and economy of DR Congo
It is the third largest country in Africa; the second largest copper reserve in the world after Chile (however the best kind in terms of quality with a 3.5 % pure copper content as opposed to just 0.5 % for the Chilean mineral); it holds some of the richest reserves of cobalt, zinc, coltan, diamonds and countless other precious stones and raw materials; and its natural geography is endowed with a comprehensive watercourse network that has the potential to provide enough hydroelectric power for the entire central region of the continent and beyond.
Yes, by now you know exactly which nation I am talking about. Despite these renowned facts and statistics, the Democratic Republic of Congo (DRC) remains among the poorest and most unstable countries in Africa. Just as it has always been since independence (maybe much worse today), corruption is rampant and out-in-the-open at every single level of government while the lack of investments in basic infrastructure further deteriorates the already deplorable conditions of roads, power supplies, schools and hospitals. The plight of the Congolese people is best illustrated by their country’s regular appearances at the lowest rankings of the United Nations Human Development Index (HDI).
Above all, the never-ending armed conflict in the eastern provinces of the country is raging even as we speak and still claiming innocent civilian lives. It all began with Congo War I (1996-1997) during which Laurent Desire Kabila toppled Mobutu’s 32-year dictatorship with the help of mercenaries from Rwanda and Uganda. The ensuing Congo War II (1998-2003) – ignited by Kabila’s desperate attempts to oust the foreign forces who had been instrumental to his rise to power, forces determined to be rewarded with a share of Congo’s wealth – led to the death of more than 4 million people. This “genocide” is not discussed, publicized and marketed nearly as much as the Rwanda genocide of 1994 was and still is.
Without trivializing any catastrophe and getting caught up in legalistic definitions of the term genocide or arguing about numbers of casualties, both countries have experienced large scale human tragedy that cannot go unpunished. Therefore, it is only fair that the international community devotes the same amount of time, energy and financial resources to ensure that justice is served and that the affected communities recover from the atrocities as best as possible. Such efforts by the international community – in large part motivated by guilt for failing to act in 1994 – have yielded fruitful results in Rwanda; the small east African nation has made a remarkable turnaround in just 14 years and is far ahead of many other nations on the continent. Of course, just as the Rwandese have carried out so successfully, it is the full responsibility of the Congolese people alone to raise awareness globally about the sufferings they endured and continue to live through.
In spite of these dire prospects, the mining sector of the mineral rich province of Katanga in the southern territory of the country is witnessing fast growth in its activities due to the global rise in the price of raw materials witnessed in recent years (e.g. the price of copper went from US $500 per ton to US $8,000 per ton in the last ten years alone). The province of Katanga, which forms the Copper Belt together with northern regions of Zambia just across the border, continues to benefit from this favorable change in the global natural resources market by attracting a plethora of foreign mining companies in a fashion quite reminiscent of the Gold Rush. To date, DRC has 61 different mining contracts with a diverse group of foreign companies whose make-up reflects the fierce geopolitical rivalries between China and the West. Obviously, Katanga’s intention is to create a win-win situation for itself by pinning the two global centers of power and influence against one another.
Consequently, Katanga is on a steady path towards prosperity while the rest of the nation has yet to benefit from the so-called peace and democracy brought on by the last presidential elections of 2006 which kept the incumbent, Joseph Kabila (the son of Laurent Kabila), in power for another 5-year term. Lubumbashi, the affluent provincial capital, is a clear illustration of the widening gap that exists between Copper Land and the rest of the country. It is now known as the city that never sleeps; day and night truckloads of copper and cobalt are seen driving towards the Zambian border where the minerals are shipped to Dar es-Salaam, Tanzania before being sent off to their final destination in Asia. It seems that every month new businesses open up shop in town. Lushois (Lubumbashi natives or residents) are flabbergasted to suddenly have access to American fast food chains and Chinese consumer goods.
What's more, the long-awaited Cinq Chantiers (Five Reconstruction Projects) promised by Kabila was officially launched in April of this year with the construction of a 4-lane highway connecting Lubumbashi to the border post of Kasumbalesa, a small town located hundred kilometers from the provincial capital right on the Zambian border. That highway is expected to be extended well into Zambia within the next three years. All constructions are set to be completed by China Railway Engineering Corporation (CREC).
Nevertheless, in the midst of such euphoria one has to wonder if such growth is sustainable. With such economic surge comes a set of political, ecological and social problems that the provincial authorities have yet to address seriously. Among them, the historically contentious relationship between the rich province and the central authorities in Kinshasa is prone to resuscitate demons from the past. As some may recall, the copper province was the first region of the DRC to secede from the newly formed Lumumba government of 1960 mainly for fear that Kinshasa, the nation’s capital located miles away from Lubumbashi on the opposite west coast, would exercise too much control over its natural wealth. Even though Katanga later rejoined the union in January 1963, much of that fragile relationship has been ongoing; the mineral rich province frequently threatens to secede whenever it feels that the central government is slowing down its dynamic socio-economic advancement.
In the latest installment of this drama, Katanga is accusing Kinshasa of dragging its feet in repaying their duly 40% share of provincially generated revenue as stated in the constitution. Thus, the provincial authorities blame the suspension of many of their construction projects on Kinshasa. On the other hand, Kinshasa is treading carefully on both sides of the fence; it is trying to pull in the reins on a vibrant and increasingly influential province likely to challenge its authority all the while giving it enough leeway not to provoke it into secession.
At any rate, Congolese outside of Katanga are fed up with both the internal strife pinning Kinshasa against Lubumbashi and the constant secessionist threats made by the copper province. Out of pride and frustration with Katanga’s overbearing sense of superiority, the Congolese people have at times expressed their desire to see DRC separate permanently with the wealthy southern province saying: “if they want to go, let them go!” Yet, in reality, most understand that it would be mutually beneficial for DRC and Katanga to stay united if only the corrupt, irresponsible authorities of Kinshasa could put its house in order and work tirelessly to get the rest of the country caught up. It is easier said than done, of course.
Even though Katanga’s attitude is condescending in many respects, much of that sentiment is validated by their socioeconomic indicators. They do deserve a pat on the back for sustaining coherent governance and investing in basic infrastructure, things that cannot be said about Kinshasa. Katanga is known to have better schools, better roads and better hospitals. The mentality of its civil society and its living standard are drastically different than that of any other region of the country. As some Kinshasa dwellers unashamedly admitted to me once; “the Kinois (a Kinshasa native or resident) is a loud, obnoxious, vulgar and amoral man who loves women, beer, music and confrontation whereas le Lushois is a calm, civilized, ambitious and hardworking individual who keeps his city clean and seeks to create more growth opportunities in his community.” While this is evidently an exaggerated and offensive claim, it does help paint a broad picture of Katanga’s social and economic status.
On the ecological front, the effects of pollution on communities living in and around mining zones are well known as an increasing number of respiratory diseases are regularly being reported. Water contamination has led to cases of cholera and associated ailments that are currently wreaking havoc in the region. Now that provincial authorities have banned the exportation of minerals to Zambian refineries, many small-scale transformation units are popping up everywhere locally and even makeshift ovens in residents’ backyards are used instead of industrial refineries. Ecologists suspect that the owners of these local processing plants – Chinese, Indians and business entrepreneurs from the Gulf – have had to make “special contributions” to local authorities for them not to be hassled with green regulations when setting up their factories. Al Gore would be outraged.
The situation is not much better regarding the social ramifications of the mining boom. The arrival of multinationals has put an abrupt end to informal exploitation of mines on which thousands of families relied on for subsistence. The mining giants have ousted these low-skilled laborers by offering them a meager “voluntary leave package” (Ruashi Mining, a South African company, offered US $200 per family) and a warning not to return. As a result, numerous school going children have been sent back home indefinitely due to their parents’ inability to pay their fees. The unemployment rate is ceaselessly climbing as many workers of the enormous but now defunct State mining enterprise, Gécamines, are being laid off due to mismanagement and plundering at the top levels of the institution.
In spite of efforts made by multinationals to secure the mines with electrical barriers and patrols of armed guards, desperate men and children still make their way onto forbidden lands and conduct clandestine extractions sometimes with only the most basic of equipment such as shovels, chisels and sturdy plastic sacks (e.g. empty bags of rice or charcoal). Violence is slowly becoming a common occurrence. The local miners are defending themselves, fighting security guards and vandalizing the installations of multinationals. Sadly, many children perish on these dangerous expeditions. Their small body frames allow them to get through the narrow tunnels they dig underground more so then the adults can but some never come out alive as the tunnels cave in and the heavy pile of earth asphyxiates them. Such perilous endeavors are in part encouraged by small foreign enterprises that have yet to gain full access to some of the mines where informal activities are still thriving. Therefore, they exploit the deprived indigenous communities by flooding their markets with various consumer goods and offering up financial rewards in exchange for sacks of “sand.” Hence, open air cinemas featuring kung-fu movies, boutiques assorted with brand name clothing knock-offs and billboards ads written in French, English and Chinese have all become a common sight in Lubumbashi and the surrounding area.
A more in-depth analysis of the implications of the economic boom reveals that the future of Katanga is not as bright as it appears to be on the surface – at least not in the long term. Is there the political will to address these issues with sound policies? Does the province have the capacity to carry it out on its own or will it then collaborate with federal authorities in Kinshasa? Only time will provide answers to these queries. However, one thing is certain; both the provincial and federal authorities will have to play their role in ensuring that their institutions are built on patriotic and democratic foundations and in maintaining its attractiveness in the eyes of foreign investors while holding multinationals accountable for the activities they undertake on Congolese soil.
It is the third largest country in Africa; the second largest copper reserve in the world after Chile (however the best kind in terms of quality with a 3.5 % pure copper content as opposed to just 0.5 % for the Chilean mineral); it holds some of the richest reserves of cobalt, zinc, coltan, diamonds and countless other precious stones and raw materials; and its natural geography is endowed with a comprehensive watercourse network that has the potential to provide enough hydroelectric power for the entire central region of the continent and beyond.
Yes, by now you know exactly which nation I am talking about. Despite these renowned facts and statistics, the Democratic Republic of Congo (DRC) remains among the poorest and most unstable countries in Africa. Just as it has always been since independence (maybe much worse today), corruption is rampant and out-in-the-open at every single level of government while the lack of investments in basic infrastructure further deteriorates the already deplorable conditions of roads, power supplies, schools and hospitals. The plight of the Congolese people is best illustrated by their country’s regular appearances at the lowest rankings of the United Nations Human Development Index (HDI).
Above all, the never-ending armed conflict in the eastern provinces of the country is raging even as we speak and still claiming innocent civilian lives. It all began with Congo War I (1996-1997) during which Laurent Desire Kabila toppled Mobutu’s 32-year dictatorship with the help of mercenaries from Rwanda and Uganda. The ensuing Congo War II (1998-2003) – ignited by Kabila’s desperate attempts to oust the foreign forces who had been instrumental to his rise to power, forces determined to be rewarded with a share of Congo’s wealth – led to the death of more than 4 million people. This “genocide” is not discussed, publicized and marketed nearly as much as the Rwanda genocide of 1994 was and still is.
Without trivializing any catastrophe and getting caught up in legalistic definitions of the term genocide or arguing about numbers of casualties, both countries have experienced large scale human tragedy that cannot go unpunished. Therefore, it is only fair that the international community devotes the same amount of time, energy and financial resources to ensure that justice is served and that the affected communities recover from the atrocities as best as possible. Such efforts by the international community – in large part motivated by guilt for failing to act in 1994 – have yielded fruitful results in Rwanda; the small east African nation has made a remarkable turnaround in just 14 years and is far ahead of many other nations on the continent. Of course, just as the Rwandese have carried out so successfully, it is the full responsibility of the Congolese people alone to raise awareness globally about the sufferings they endured and continue to live through.
In spite of these dire prospects, the mining sector of the mineral rich province of Katanga in the southern territory of the country is witnessing fast growth in its activities due to the global rise in the price of raw materials witnessed in recent years (e.g. the price of copper went from US $500 per ton to US $8,000 per ton in the last ten years alone). The province of Katanga, which forms the Copper Belt together with northern regions of Zambia just across the border, continues to benefit from this favorable change in the global natural resources market by attracting a plethora of foreign mining companies in a fashion quite reminiscent of the Gold Rush. To date, DRC has 61 different mining contracts with a diverse group of foreign companies whose make-up reflects the fierce geopolitical rivalries between China and the West. Obviously, Katanga’s intention is to create a win-win situation for itself by pinning the two global centers of power and influence against one another.
Consequently, Katanga is on a steady path towards prosperity while the rest of the nation has yet to benefit from the so-called peace and democracy brought on by the last presidential elections of 2006 which kept the incumbent, Joseph Kabila (the son of Laurent Kabila), in power for another 5-year term. Lubumbashi, the affluent provincial capital, is a clear illustration of the widening gap that exists between Copper Land and the rest of the country. It is now known as the city that never sleeps; day and night truckloads of copper and cobalt are seen driving towards the Zambian border where the minerals are shipped to Dar es-Salaam, Tanzania before being sent off to their final destination in Asia. It seems that every month new businesses open up shop in town. Lushois (Lubumbashi natives or residents) are flabbergasted to suddenly have access to American fast food chains and Chinese consumer goods.
What's more, the long-awaited Cinq Chantiers (Five Reconstruction Projects) promised by Kabila was officially launched in April of this year with the construction of a 4-lane highway connecting Lubumbashi to the border post of Kasumbalesa, a small town located hundred kilometers from the provincial capital right on the Zambian border. That highway is expected to be extended well into Zambia within the next three years. All constructions are set to be completed by China Railway Engineering Corporation (CREC).
Nevertheless, in the midst of such euphoria one has to wonder if such growth is sustainable. With such economic surge comes a set of political, ecological and social problems that the provincial authorities have yet to address seriously. Among them, the historically contentious relationship between the rich province and the central authorities in Kinshasa is prone to resuscitate demons from the past. As some may recall, the copper province was the first region of the DRC to secede from the newly formed Lumumba government of 1960 mainly for fear that Kinshasa, the nation’s capital located miles away from Lubumbashi on the opposite west coast, would exercise too much control over its natural wealth. Even though Katanga later rejoined the union in January 1963, much of that fragile relationship has been ongoing; the mineral rich province frequently threatens to secede whenever it feels that the central government is slowing down its dynamic socio-economic advancement.
In the latest installment of this drama, Katanga is accusing Kinshasa of dragging its feet in repaying their duly 40% share of provincially generated revenue as stated in the constitution. Thus, the provincial authorities blame the suspension of many of their construction projects on Kinshasa. On the other hand, Kinshasa is treading carefully on both sides of the fence; it is trying to pull in the reins on a vibrant and increasingly influential province likely to challenge its authority all the while giving it enough leeway not to provoke it into secession.
At any rate, Congolese outside of Katanga are fed up with both the internal strife pinning Kinshasa against Lubumbashi and the constant secessionist threats made by the copper province. Out of pride and frustration with Katanga’s overbearing sense of superiority, the Congolese people have at times expressed their desire to see DRC separate permanently with the wealthy southern province saying: “if they want to go, let them go!” Yet, in reality, most understand that it would be mutually beneficial for DRC and Katanga to stay united if only the corrupt, irresponsible authorities of Kinshasa could put its house in order and work tirelessly to get the rest of the country caught up. It is easier said than done, of course.
Even though Katanga’s attitude is condescending in many respects, much of that sentiment is validated by their socioeconomic indicators. They do deserve a pat on the back for sustaining coherent governance and investing in basic infrastructure, things that cannot be said about Kinshasa. Katanga is known to have better schools, better roads and better hospitals. The mentality of its civil society and its living standard are drastically different than that of any other region of the country. As some Kinshasa dwellers unashamedly admitted to me once; “the Kinois (a Kinshasa native or resident) is a loud, obnoxious, vulgar and amoral man who loves women, beer, music and confrontation whereas le Lushois is a calm, civilized, ambitious and hardworking individual who keeps his city clean and seeks to create more growth opportunities in his community.” While this is evidently an exaggerated and offensive claim, it does help paint a broad picture of Katanga’s social and economic status.
On the ecological front, the effects of pollution on communities living in and around mining zones are well known as an increasing number of respiratory diseases are regularly being reported. Water contamination has led to cases of cholera and associated ailments that are currently wreaking havoc in the region. Now that provincial authorities have banned the exportation of minerals to Zambian refineries, many small-scale transformation units are popping up everywhere locally and even makeshift ovens in residents’ backyards are used instead of industrial refineries. Ecologists suspect that the owners of these local processing plants – Chinese, Indians and business entrepreneurs from the Gulf – have had to make “special contributions” to local authorities for them not to be hassled with green regulations when setting up their factories. Al Gore would be outraged.
The situation is not much better regarding the social ramifications of the mining boom. The arrival of multinationals has put an abrupt end to informal exploitation of mines on which thousands of families relied on for subsistence. The mining giants have ousted these low-skilled laborers by offering them a meager “voluntary leave package” (Ruashi Mining, a South African company, offered US $200 per family) and a warning not to return. As a result, numerous school going children have been sent back home indefinitely due to their parents’ inability to pay their fees. The unemployment rate is ceaselessly climbing as many workers of the enormous but now defunct State mining enterprise, Gécamines, are being laid off due to mismanagement and plundering at the top levels of the institution.
In spite of efforts made by multinationals to secure the mines with electrical barriers and patrols of armed guards, desperate men and children still make their way onto forbidden lands and conduct clandestine extractions sometimes with only the most basic of equipment such as shovels, chisels and sturdy plastic sacks (e.g. empty bags of rice or charcoal). Violence is slowly becoming a common occurrence. The local miners are defending themselves, fighting security guards and vandalizing the installations of multinationals. Sadly, many children perish on these dangerous expeditions. Their small body frames allow them to get through the narrow tunnels they dig underground more so then the adults can but some never come out alive as the tunnels cave in and the heavy pile of earth asphyxiates them. Such perilous endeavors are in part encouraged by small foreign enterprises that have yet to gain full access to some of the mines where informal activities are still thriving. Therefore, they exploit the deprived indigenous communities by flooding their markets with various consumer goods and offering up financial rewards in exchange for sacks of “sand.” Hence, open air cinemas featuring kung-fu movies, boutiques assorted with brand name clothing knock-offs and billboards ads written in French, English and Chinese have all become a common sight in Lubumbashi and the surrounding area.
A more in-depth analysis of the implications of the economic boom reveals that the future of Katanga is not as bright as it appears to be on the surface – at least not in the long term. Is there the political will to address these issues with sound policies? Does the province have the capacity to carry it out on its own or will it then collaborate with federal authorities in Kinshasa? Only time will provide answers to these queries. However, one thing is certain; both the provincial and federal authorities will have to play their role in ensuring that their institutions are built on patriotic and democratic foundations and in maintaining its attractiveness in the eyes of foreign investors while holding multinationals accountable for the activities they undertake on Congolese soil.
Tuesday, October 14, 2008
On the back of a Bakkie
It is about 12:45pm on a very hot and sunny Sunday afternoon in Namibia. I am lounging at the back of a moving vehicle on my way to Swakopmund for a week long work assignment. We left Grootfontein this morning just before 9 o’clock. It is about 400 km to the touristy town on the Atlantic Ocean. My colleagues agreed to do most of the driving on the way down; I am bracing myself to take the wheel for most of the trip back up north.
They are both sitting in the front cabin, enjoying the air conditioning, while I am sitting inside the covered flat bed of the bakkie (pick-up truck). It is not bad at all. I cracked open a few windows to get some of that soothing breeze. It is actually a lot of fun. I cannot remember the last time I rode at the back of a pick-up truck. While it is not a very common means of transportation (as far as loading people and not just goods and merchandise) in most urban dwellings of the Western world, it is quite an ordinary thing to do here.
I am fortunate to be sitting comfortably by myself because I have seen bakkies of the exact same size crammed with no less than 12 people with their luggage and merchandises. People would rather buy a bakkie first before thinking about getting a 4-door sedan just because they live in a predominantly farming, blue-collar society.
They can do a lot of work on their own with a bakkie (e.g. construction work, moving furniture, transportation of produce from farm to market, mobility for traditionally large number of family members and relatives).
We are heading to the Community Skills Development Centre to review and update the content of their training programmes and prepare the budget for next year, among other things. It is always a special treat for me to get on the road because I get to witness the beautiful natural landscape this country has to offer and the surprisingly well-integrated physical infrastructure. After a quick pit stop at the Shell service station in Otjiwarongo, we drove 70 km into Erongo region where we passed through a natural land conservancy. The views are simply breathtaking: the dry, flat terrain is embellished by rocky hills and mountains in the distance. At any given time you might spot a herd of cows, goats, kudoos (of the deer and antelope family) and even donkeys. It is quite unreal; being here and witnessing this geography is truly a blessing.
They are both sitting in the front cabin, enjoying the air conditioning, while I am sitting inside the covered flat bed of the bakkie (pick-up truck). It is not bad at all. I cracked open a few windows to get some of that soothing breeze. It is actually a lot of fun. I cannot remember the last time I rode at the back of a pick-up truck. While it is not a very common means of transportation (as far as loading people and not just goods and merchandise) in most urban dwellings of the Western world, it is quite an ordinary thing to do here.
I am fortunate to be sitting comfortably by myself because I have seen bakkies of the exact same size crammed with no less than 12 people with their luggage and merchandises. People would rather buy a bakkie first before thinking about getting a 4-door sedan just because they live in a predominantly farming, blue-collar society.
They can do a lot of work on their own with a bakkie (e.g. construction work, moving furniture, transportation of produce from farm to market, mobility for traditionally large number of family members and relatives).
We are heading to the Community Skills Development Centre to review and update the content of their training programmes and prepare the budget for next year, among other things. It is always a special treat for me to get on the road because I get to witness the beautiful natural landscape this country has to offer and the surprisingly well-integrated physical infrastructure. After a quick pit stop at the Shell service station in Otjiwarongo, we drove 70 km into Erongo region where we passed through a natural land conservancy. The views are simply breathtaking: the dry, flat terrain is embellished by rocky hills and mountains in the distance. At any given time you might spot a herd of cows, goats, kudoos (of the deer and antelope family) and even donkeys. It is quite unreal; being here and witnessing this geography is truly a blessing.
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